Morpho-phonology
My work on
morphology-phonology interaction has followed the theme of how general
phonological constraints coupled with morphemes with
unusual representation can produce unusual morpho-phonological effects.
This view contrasts with the idea that there are morpheme-specific
constraints, or that morphemes are (in some sense) constraints.
For example, Maximal
words and the Māori passive (2003/2004) argues that the extremely
complex passive and gerund allomorphy in Māori
is due to general
constraints on the shape of PrWds whose effect can be seen throughout
the language. Similarly, Haplology and correspondence
(1999) argues that morphemes that haplologize are different from
standard affixes only that they coalesce whenever they can due to
pressures imposed by general phonological constraints (e.g. *labial). A
particularly interesting case is found in Māori where the first vowel of
CVCVCV kinship words is lengthened in the plural (e.g. /wahine/ -> [wa:hine]);
this does not apply to CVCV or CVVCV kinship terms.
Circumscriptive morphemes (1999) argued that this case involved an
underlyingly contentless foot-size suffix that haplologizes, with its
left edge triggering a PrWd boundary, ultimately forcing initial vowel
lengthening.
Concatenation was the
focus of A correspondence theory of morpheme order (1998), which
argued for a type of affix representation and constraints that aimed to
account for typological asymmetries in affix type, based around the
avoidance of prefix-only languages. The same point was taken up
in work with Patrik Bye in Edge asymmetries in phonology and
morphology (2000) which argues that constraints that require
alignment with the right edge of morphemes are unnecessary, and that in
fact all right-edge reference is not possible.
I am currently a member
of the
Exponence Network, run by Jochen Trommer at the University of
Leipzig.
Syntax-Phonology
My interest in the
syntax-phonology interface is primarily represented in Constraint
universality and prosodic phrasing in Māori (2003) which
examines the syntax-phonology mapping in that language. I have
plans to write more about Māori phrase-level prosody.
Phonetics-Phonology
Freedom,
interpretability, and the Loop (2007) argues for a limited
feedback mechanism in the phonetic component. The mechanism
rejects phonetically uninterpretable phonological forms, requiring the
phonological component to provide another. Such a mechanism
(called the 'Loop') eliminates the need for many constraints in CON and
restrictions in GEN.
References
de Lacy, Paul (2007). Freedom, Interpretability, and the Loop. In
Sylvia Blaho, Patrik Bye, and Martin Krämer (eds.) Freedom of Analysis?
Studies in Generative Grammar (SSG) 95. Mouton de Gruyter. pp.
86-118.
[abstract]
[chapter]
[talk]
de Lacy, Paul (2004). Maximal Words and the Māori passive. In John
McCarthy (ed.) Optimality Theory in phonology: A reader. Blackwell, pp.
495-512.
[chapter]
de Lacy, Paul (2003). Constraint universality and prosodic phrasing in
Māori. In Angela Carpenter, Andries Coetzee, and Paul de Lacy (eds.)
Papers in Optimality Theory II. UMOP 26. Amherst, MA: GLSA Publications,
pp.59-79. ROA 561.
[abstract]
[chapter]
de Lacy, Paul (2003). Maximal words and the Māori passive. In Andrea
Rakowski and Norvin Richards (ed.) Proceedings of AFLA VIII: The eighth
meeting of the Austronesian formal linguistics association. MIT Working
Papers in Linguistics 44. Cambridge, MA: MIT Linguistics Dept, pp.20-39.
[abstract]
[chapter]
[handout]
[talk]
• Proposes restrictions on maximum Prosodic Word size, which can in turn
influence maximum morphological word size, resulting in allomorphy.
de Lacy, Paul and Patrik Bye (2000). Edge asymmetries in Phonology and
Morphology, In Ji-Yung Kim and Masako Hirotani (eds.) Proceedings of
NELS (North-eastern Linguistics Society conference) 30. Amherst, MA:
GLSA Publications, pp.121-135.
[chapter]
• Proposes restrictions on alignment constraints to account for
asymmetries in the typology of affixes.
de Lacy, Paul (1999). Circumscriptive morphemes. In Catherine Kitto and
Carolyn Smallwood (eds.) Proceedings of AFLA (Austronesian Formal
Linguistics Association) VI. Toronto: Toronto Working Papers in
Linguistics, pp.107-120. [Also Rutgers Optimality Archive#339;
http://www.chass.utoronto.ca/~twpl/volume16.htm].
[abstract]
[chapter]
[poster]
• Proposes a new type of morpheme that has no underlying phonological
content and gains it on the surface by haplologizing, with visible
effects.
de Lacy, Paul (1999). Haplology and correspondence, in Paul de Lacy and
Anita Nowak (eds.) Papers from the 25th Anniversary. University of
Massachusetts Occasional Papers (UMOP) 24. Amherst, MA: GLSA
Publications, pp.51-88. [Also Rutgers Optimality Archive #298.]
[abstract]
[chapter]
• A theory of morphological haplology, where two phonologically similar
morphemes merge when adjacent to each other.
de Lacy, Paul (1999). A correspondence theory of morpheme order. In
Peter Norquest, Jason D. Haugen, and Sonya Bird (eds.) WCCFL (West Coast
Conference in Formal Linguistics) XVIII. Arizona: Coyote Working Papers
in Linguistics, pp.27-45 [Rutgers Optimality Archive#338.]
[abstract]
[chapter]
[poster]
• Proposes restrictions on precedence relations to account for
asymmetries in morpheme order.
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